Exploring the Expression of D-Features within Swahili Determiner Phrases

Abstract

This study examines how Swahili’s DP structure encodes definiteness, specificity, and focus without relying on overt articles, showing that its nominal system requires analytic tools beyond those developed for article‑based languages. Rather than invoking broad cross‑linguistic generalities, the analysis focuses on Swahili’s internal mechanisms: word‑order alternations such as N > DEM for deixis and DEM > N for focus, alongside flexible patterns where N > DEM may also mark focal prominence. Definiteness is further shaped through possessive constructions, whose interaction with demonstratives contributes to familiarity and identifiability. These patterns demonstrate that Swahili projects a functional D‑layer, but one realised through discourse‑sensitive configurations rather than article morphology. The study’s broader theoretical contribution lies in showing that DP theory must accommodate languages where D‑features surface through syntactic position and pragmatic inference, thereby expanding cross‑linguistic models of nominal architecture.